Obama's Middle East speech creates controversy among Israelis and Palestinians

U.S. President Barack Obama raised great hopes in 2009 when he addressed the Muslim World and the Arab young generation from Cairo. His words then on ending occupation and halting settlement expansion on occupied land gave many Palestinians and Arabs a sense that there was truly a “new beginning.” A few months later, the hopes were dashed.

I was among several journalists who interviewed the new President in 2009 immediately after his Cairo University speech in June. Having covered the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for a very long time, I believed only strong intervention from the U.S. could help the sides engage in a serious peace process, but I was sure the new U.S. President would have a very hard time translating his words into action and enforce a settlement freeze.  

Obama’s speech today, his first since the Arab Spring blossomed, was a major address that outlined the American policy in the Middle East and North Africa, a policy based on backing political reforms and helping nations demanding freedoms and dignity.(http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/05/19/remarks-president-middle-east-and-north-africa)

He acknowledged that the U.S. had not been an actor in the Arab popular uprisings and articulated America’s policies and role in the new Middle East in a new context now that Osama Bin Laden was killed, and combat troops out of Iraq.

He warned Syrian President Bashar Assad of increased isolation if he continued to use force to quell his peoples’ uprising and bluntly said: “President Assad now has a choice. He can lead the transition, or get out of the way.”

He was also blunt in his call for allies Bahraini leaders to use dialogue and not force, though it was questionable why he stumbled or hesitated while speaking about Bahrain.

I may be skeptical, but I did not find his words on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict sufficient to revive the negotiations that were suspended following  America’s failure to enforce a settlement freeze.

I found his words were meant at telling both sides they were expected to make serious concessions to revive the peace talks and end the conflict.

Obama’s public endorsement of a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders is new, but this is not a major U.S. policy change. Former U.S. President George Bush endorsed this, Hillary Clinton stated this before. Actually Israeli leaders, including former Israeli leader Ehud Olmert, were all negotiating a solution based on the 1967 borders with agreed swaps. The disagreement was on the percentage of the land that would be swapped.

The U.S. President’s idea of a solution based on resolving the border and security issues first were not new either because his envoy, George Mitchell, who resigned last week, had worked on this with the Palestinians and Israelis for months but failed to achieve progress because the issue of settlement expansion, especially in Jerusalem, obstructed progress. Condoleeca Rice had also made an effort to reach understandings on territory first.

I believe the more critical and new elements in Obama’s speech were:

-        His rejection of Palestinian plans to seek the United Nation’s recognition of a Palestinian state based on the pre-1967 borders.

-        His remarks on a full and phased withdrawal of Israeli troops from the West Bank. The Palestinians have repeatedly rejected new interim deals and are seeking a final deal that will end occupation and create a state. The Israelis want to keep a military presence in the Jordan Valley on what it says are security grounds.

-        Delaying the sensitive issues of Jerusalem, settlements, and refugees. This might be a non-starter for the Palestinians who have seen how the Oslo interim deals have failed to bring about an end to occupation.

-        When Obama lays down the foundations of a peace process and then says: “Ultimately, it is up to Israelis and Palestinians to take action. No peace can be imposed upon them, nor can endless delay make the problem go away,” he is basically saying, I will not take serious action to translate my words into action.

Many Palestinians and Arabs are skeptical of Obama’s words on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because he went so high up on the tree in 2009 when he insisted on halting settlements expansion, but then not only did he climb down fast, but he applied pressure on the moderate Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas  to accept talks without any preconditions. Abbas lost credibility and came under pressure to halt negotiations.

Obama was right to back the Arab revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. He has done the right thing for America by stating his unequivocal support for nations seeking democracy and reforms, but when in the same breath he says: “We will stand against attempts to single it (Israel) out for criticism in international forums,” he raises eyebrows among those same young people who led the revolutions in the Arab world and he may be  sending the wrong message.

 Immediately after his speech, young Arabs were tweeting skepticism of Obama's support for self-determination while he rejects a symbolic move by the Palestinians to create statehood.

Israelis tweeted their rejection of Obama’s endorsement of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders and saw this as a major U.S. policy shift.

Refugees from Syria appeal for help, tell tales of fear and death

Al-Rameh, Wadi Khaled, Lebanon, May 18 - Ten women from the Syrian towns of Tal Kalakh and Aridah sat on the porch of a small house  of a Lebanese family hosting them in the border village of al-Rameh describing the violence and fear they said had led to the displacement of thousands from their homes.
A child screamed and ran to her mother's lap at the sound of bullets in the background.
They said they fled on Saturday, leaving their money and belongings behind, as well as some male family members who they said could be either arrested or killed.

"I saw three bodies of men in pools of blood outside our home on Saturday in Tal Kalakh. Nobody dared to drag them out of the streets. Our houses were fired at by tank shells and bullets, we were terrified," a 17-year-old girl told me.

"We heard of many more killed. There were snipers everywhere. The armed Shabeeha (thugs), and armed Alawite civilians as well as the army were burning and destroying homes. Tanks were surrounding the town," her mother added.
Another woman from al-Aridah town on the border with Lebanon, said she was making breakfast for her family when she heard shots outside her home. She looked out her window and saw tanks coming down the hill.
"Our neighbours the Alawites turned into armed gangs against us the Sunnis. We were surprised because we never thought they held so much hatred for us. They burned, destroyed and shot," another woman said.

"Two bullets from snipers outside our home flew near my face while I was in my room," one said.
An older refugee woman from Aridah said her aunt was shot in the head and killed while fleeing on the bridge that separated her Syrian town from the Lebanese al-Rameh village. Another relative fleeing with her was shot and wounded in the leg.

"We didn't dare go near them to rescue them, the shooting was heavy. A Lebanese soldier braved the bullets and went to drag her inside Lebanon, he too was shot and wounded in the leg," she said, with tears welling up in her eyes.
Another woman said the fleeing woman and their children had to crawl across the bridge because "bullets were falling above our heads like rain."

According to the refugee families, some 5,000 people had fled the town of al-Aridah of 33,000.
Women said few men had succeeded to cross into Lebanon. Many of those who did, were either elderly men or crossed illegally at night.

The international media was not allowed to cover the protests inside Syria and stories by refugees could not be independently verified.

Men, who had managed to flee, gathered near the river bank that overlooked Aridah town. A few men they said were armed thugs, were seen riding motorcycles in the empty town across the river. There was no other sign of life there.
They too had stories to tell about the brutality they saw.
One young man said he had to crawl for hours out of Tal Kalakh Saturday night.
"As I was crawling, I felt dead bodies beneath me," he said.
He said the tanks and troops stormed into Tal Kalakh on Saturday a day after a demonstration called for the downfall of the regime. The men said they called for the toppling of the regime when they felt their demands for the release of prisoners went unheeded.
Asked how long their displacement would take, one man said: "I will not return. If I go back, I will either get killed or arrested."

WHAT IS OBAMA WAITING FOR?

Several Turkmen from Zara town said the too had fled on Sunday. They believed they were targetted in retaliation for Turkish Prime Minister Rajab Tayeb Ordogan's position on events in Syria.

"Ask  (U.S. President Barack) Obama what is he waiting for? Why is he not calling on Bashar Assad to step down? It didn't take him that long to call for the removal of Hosni Mubarak and Zein Bin Ali of Tunis?", one of the Turkmen said. "We're without food, communications, and electricity. Hasn't he heard of the mass grave in Dar'aa?"
Human rights lawyer Razan Zaitouna said the army and security forces have killed at least 27 civilians since the army moved into Tal Kalakh.

On Wednesday, Obama imposed sanctions on Syrian President Bashar Assad and six other senior Syrian officials. The move reflected Washington's frustration with Syria's lack of response to international condemnation of its crackdown on political protests in the country.

Human rights groups say at least 700 civilians have been killed in two months of clashes between Syrian forces and protesters seeking an end to Bashar Assad's 11-year rule.
In an interview published in the al-Watan local paper on Wednesday, Bashar Assad acknowledged for the first time that the security forces had made a mistake handling the protests.
The protests are the most serious challenge to Assad's rule.

"We have no confidence in him, we appeal to the world to help us," one young man said.

Nakba Day protesters try to claim the "Right of Return" with their bodies

Lebanon - When the masses are driven by a dream, hope, and suppressed anger, no force can control the outpour of emotions or stop the surge of the crowds.

That is what happened over 20 years ago when on "Nakba Day" thousands of Palestinians and Jordanians went in buses and cars to demonstrate near King Hussein Bridge at the Jordanian-Israeli border. I was among the masses covering the story for UPI. Despite the heavy presence of the Jordanian army and the calls for restraint by Unionists and political party leaders, the sight of Palestine so close, yet so far, across the bridge, prompted the masses to charge towards the border. The scene was chaotic, teargas and shots in the air could hardly stop the crowds who were hypnotized by the determination to move on and enforce their Right of Return.

Today, on the 63rd anniversary of the Nakba, when the Palestinian refugee problem was created along with the establishment of the State of Israel, thousands of people in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt protested at those countries' borders with Israel. Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza held their own demonstrations near fences and walls that separate them from the rest of the Palestinian Territories or from Israel.  

Thousands of Palestinian refugees and Lebanese were shuttled from Saida to the border area in buses this morning. People were also shuttled from different parts in Syria to the border. The fact that they were allowed to reach the border could be interpreted as an encouragement by Hizbullah and the Syrian regime.

Hundreds effectively destroyed the border fences and entered the other side. Four were killed by Israeli fire on the border with Syria. 10 were killed in Lebanon. 

Israeli sources said 13 people were lightly wounded on Israel's side of the border near the Druze village of Majdal Shams, including 10 Israeli soldiers, by stones hurled by Nakba Day protesters.

"We'll be back" shouted the protesters returning into Syrian territory.

These people went to claim their Right of Return with their own bodies. The Israeli army may have expected trouble at the border with Lebanon, but events showed they had least expected trouble at the usually quiet border with Syria.
The Palestinians wanted to show today that they are part of the Arab revolutions. (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-13406869)

What do the events of today show?

For most Palestinians, it shows that the refugees have not given up on the Right of Return,  that the old and the young living in refugee camps have not forgotten. It shows that for the Arab people, the Palestinian problem and the refugee issue is still at the core of the Middle East conflict. 

Some Israeli commentators suggested that the Syrian regime and Hizbullah may be using Nakba Day to deflect attention from the bloody incidents and protests taking place in Syria. Others said the events in Lebanon and Gaza bore the fingerprints of Iran. 

Netanyahu said the Nakba Day events were not about the 1967 borders, but rather about "undermining the very existence of Israel." (http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/netanyahu-israel-is-determined-to-defend-its-borders-sovereignty-1.361915)

Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh told a crowd of some 10,000 people in Gaza that "Palestinians mark the occasion this year with great hope of bringing to an end the Zionist project in Palestine." (http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/hamas-leader-on-nakba-day-the-zionist-project-must-end-1.361798)

It is true that 63 years after the Nakba, many of those refugees uprooted from their homes and living in squalid camps in Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, Gaza and in the West Bank do not recognize Israel's right to exist and still hope to return to their homes in what is now Israel. These people have not given up the dream. Some had hoped the 1993 Oslo accords would end their plight, but over the years, these people saw Oslo had led to further slicing of what remained of Palestine: the gradual loss of Jerusalem, and a big chunk of the West Bank eaten up by settlements. In the end, it meant more displacement.

The majority of Palestinians who believed peace negotiations would end occupation are becoming a minority, as the Israeli society is moving more and more to the right. 

"I am horrified by the way the barrier affects the Palestinians," said Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs Valerie Amos during a visit to Jerusalem on the eve of Nakba Day. She noted that the Israeli policies of home demolitions and restrictive measures lead to forced displacement from Jerusalem and from the rest of the West Bank.

One-State Solution:

I was sitting with some Palestinian refugees in Beirut yesterday discussing the Right of Return and was struck by the deep conviction of those refugees who had never seen Palestine that eventually they will return to Haifa, Yaffa, Safad, and other towns and villages their parents were forced to flee in 1948.  

The discussion turned to the issue of the two-state solution. None of the six people I had coffee with believed it was still a viable solution. They were debating the possibility of lobbying for the one-state solution. They said discussions among refugees in exile were already underway to build support for the idea among the younger generation as a means to return to their homeland.  
Israel has repeatedly said it would never accept the one-state solution.    

The older generation still held on to their home keys and told stories about their childhood in Palestine.

In the camps of Mar Elias and Shatila, the young men and women hardly knew anything about Safad or Haifa, or their original towns and villages. They knew they were Palestinians from this or that village but had little or no information apart from that.

"If you want to know more about Safad, ask my father, he remembers," Salah, 16, from Shatila, told me.

But when asked if he wanted to return, he replied: "Nothing will stop me from hoping for the realization of that day."

If One Day A People Desires To Live

((THIS BLOG REPRESENTS MY PERSONAL VIEWS, NOT MY EMPLOYERS))

Tunisian poet Abul Qassem Al-Shabi’s famous poem: “The Will of Life” reads:
“If, one day, a people desires to live, then fate will answer their call.
And their night will then begin to fade, and their chains break and fall.
For he who is not embraced by a passion for life will dissipate into thin air,
At least that is what all creation has told me, and what its hidden spirits declare…”
Translated by Elliott Colla.


An Egyptian man shouted anti-government slogans before setting himself on fire in Egypt today Monday. Another man also dissatisfied with his government set himself on fire in Mauritania.

Despair may have led these individuals to believe that copying Mohamed Bouazid would lead to change. Two weeks ago, Bouazid set fire to himself in the southern Tunisian city of Sidi Bouzid after police prevented him from selling his vegetables, sparking anti-government riots that toppled Zein El Abideen Ben Ali’s regime.

Last week’s protests in Algeria subsided when the government retracted on price hikes. Anti-government protests in Jordan and Libya have continued. Demonstrations against price hikes took place in several Palestinian cities. The Yemenis also protested in support of the Tunisians.

In the past, we have seen individuals or political parties leading revolts and rebellions.
In Tunisia’s case, the angry masses led the change. The move was popular and secular. It is interesting to see that protests that followed in some parts of the Arab world were not led by the Islamists.

Could the Tunisia uprising have emboldened the ordinary Arab who shares the same economic grievances and absence of democracy?

Events in Tunisia sent shock waves beyond the Tunisian borders.

Has the level of anger in the Arab world reached a limit? One has to follow the outpour of comments on face book and twitter to read the sentiments of the younger generation across the Arab world. Abul Qassem al-Shabi’s poem may never have been as popular as it was last week.

Could unilateralism in Jerusalem bring the Palestinians closer to statehood

(THE VIEWS IN MY BLOG ARE PERSONAL AND DO NOT REPRESENT MY EMPLOYER)

The razing of the Shepherd Hotel in Jerusalem to make room for the construction of 20 housing units for Jewish families on the site is yet another example of how the Holy City is changing.

World condemnation (http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/un-chief-deplores-demolition-of-east-jerusalem-hotel-1.336270) and the EU envoys' recommendations in a confidential policy report are also a sign of how the international community is changing its attitude towards Israel's continuing unilateral actions. The EU is stepping up its opposition to the rapid erosion of the Arab identity of East Jerusalem. Some in the international community may be turning against Israel as frustration with lack of progress in the peace process deepens.

Palestinians' access to Jerusalem was greatly restricted following the 1993 Oslo accords. Entry to Jerusalem by West Bank Palestinians has become literally impossible during the years of the second intifada. In their policy report prepared last month, the heads of 25 European missions in Jerusalem and Ramallah urged Brussels to treat East Jerusalem as the future capital of a Palestinian state. (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/shared/bsp/hi/pdfs/10_01_11_eu_hom_report_on_east_jerusalem.pdf)
The report also calls for an EU presence at the demolitions of Palestinian homes, and intervention when peaceful protesters face arrest. (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-12150792).

International leaders are warning that Israeli actions in the city are jeopardizing the two-state solution.
But some Palestinian leaders say Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's drive to assert the Jewish identity of Jerusalem could be moving the Palestinians closer to statehood.

"Netanyahu is doing us a favor. We have little difficulty now in convincing the world Israel is obstructing a peaceful settlement and to heed our call to recognize a Palestinian state. Our next move was to push the Europeans to take a stance and step up objection to Israel's unilateral actions. He is making that task easier," a senior Palestinian official said.
Netanyahu defended his government's actions in Jerusalem by reiterating it was Israel's right to build in Jerusalem.

The failure of direct and indirect Israeli-Palestinian peace talks to reach a final settlement prompted the Palestinians to opt for Plan B: Step up diplomatic and peaceful action against settlements construction, turn to the United Nations to issue a Security Council Resolution against settlements expansion, and win international recognition of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinians, led by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad, are determined to have a state by September.

"President Abbas is now considering several paths of action if he fails to get a negotiated settlement by September. He will either step down and admit failure to realize his quest for a state, or place the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza, under the mandate of the United Nations. Other options are also being examined. In any case, there will be an announcement in September," an official close to Abbas said.

Fayyad is confident he is moving towards attaining his statehood goal.
"We are working hard at all levels towards achieving this goal. You might think I'm not serious when I say there will be a state, but I am," Fayyad told me during a recent visit to Ramallah.

It might seem hard for many to imagine what kind of state would be established with hundreds of checkpoints dividing the West Bank, with Jerusalem totally cut off from the rest of the Palestinian territories, with Gaza under Hamas' control, and the U.S. strongly opposed to a unilateral declaration of a Palestinian state.

I remember in 1994, when I moved from Jordan to Jerusalem for work as a journalist, one could hardly see an Israeli walking the streets in East Jerusalem. There was a sense of a de facto division of the city: the East side for the Palestinians and the West for the Israelis.
The Orient House, the PLO's headquarters in Sheikh Jarrah, headed by the late Faisal Husseini, was running the affairs of the Palestinians in Jerusalem.
Today, the West side is still Israeli, and the Palestinians are struggling to maintain a presence in the East side.
The Palestinian Authority is banned in Jerusalem. Jerusalemite Palestinians feel abandoned by their leaders and fear for their future.

It is true we are witnessing a dramatic change in the nature of East Jerusalem, but we are also seeing a willingness by some European states to go beyond the usual criticism or silence.
The Palestinians say they are not expecting similar action by the U.S., at least not in the near future.

Fairuz instills hope in the lives of fans in momentous concert

BEIRUT- “Yes there’s hope”, sang Fairuz, the Lebanese icon to thousands of fans in Beirut.
The song was from her latest album released on Thursday. The crowd of more than 14,000 included celebrities who travelled from the Arab world to attend the concert, Fairuz’ first since 2006.
The audience held their breath as Fairuz entered the hall.
The legendary singer, wearing a white dress, was described as coming on stage as an “angel”. Her voice, despite her age, was still majestic. Her fans gave her a standing ovation as she appeared on stage in the Biel (Beirut International Exhibition Centre) downtown Beirut, and chanted along as she sang older songs such as al-Tahouni and Kifak inta.
In her songs, Fairuz addressed social problems such as marrying at an early age, and proved she could still appeal to all generations. She took her audience through the different stages of her musical life with the old and new songs.
The audience included fans from the younger generation, and children whose families insisted they introduce them to the most celebrated singer known in recent history.
The famous Egyptian comedian actor Adel Imam, who happened to be in Beirut for the shooting of his new film “Alzheimer”, delayed his trip back to Cairo to attend Fairuz’ concert.
“This is Fairuz, I won’t miss her concert,” Imam, who is also UNHCR’s Good Will ambassador told me.
The audience applauded, sang, and demanded more as Fairuz ended her performance the second day. She came back on stage for another song.
“I have attended her concerts before, but this was her best. This time it was different,” one fan said.
Many felt the concert gained additional significance following reports she was banned by heirs of Mansour Rahbani from singing songs composed by the Rahbani Brothers without their prior consent. The reports led to widespread protests across the Arab world.
Beirut streets were jammed. The airport witnessed an unusual traffic as fans flocked from across the Arab world to express what was viewed as their rejection to attempts to restrict or silence the voice that has become part of their lives and memories since the sixties.
The absence of her son Ziad Rahbani was noticed, yet he was very much present when the accompanying orchestra’s sang parts of his latest album ”Mniha”, each time the celebrated Fairuz went backstage for a short break.
My friends felt they had witnessed a historic concert but left wondering if Fairuz will hold another concert.

"Sergio Vieira De Mello", a story of sacrifice and inspiration

Watching Greg Baker's Oscar-nominated documentary "Sergio" about the life and death of the UN's Special Representative in Iraq Sergio Vieira De Mello brought back good and bad memories of 2003 when I was in Iraq as a journalist covering post-Saddam Hussein Iraq.
Like other journalists, I frequented the U.N. headquarters in Baghdad for press briefings. The news of the bombing of the Canal Hotel where the UN had its headquarters two weeks after I left Iraq came as a shock.
The bombing killed 22 people, including Sergio and a dear friend Rick Hooper.
I had escaped death several times in Iraq, but the bombing of the Canal Hotel marked a turning point. Instability and violence became the norm.
Baker's moving and emotional film tells the story of Sergio who, despite his opposition to the war in Iraq, accepted the job as the UN's top man there, and showed his deep belief that the UN could be a force for positive change.
UNHCR's office in Jordan chose World Humanitarian Day on August 19 to show the film. It is the day the UN recognizes all humanitarian and UN personnel who have risked their lives to promote the humanitarian cause. It marks the day Sergio was tragically killed along with 21 of his colleagues.
The film was a tribute to a charismatic peacemaker, who has left his mark everywhere he worked.
Chetin Chabuk, co-producer of the HBO documentary "Sergio" was invited to attend the film screening in Amman. Greg Baker could not attend since the documentary was nominated for the Emmy Awards and was waiting for the result.
Chabuk said in the process of researching "Sergio", "lots of lessons were taken away: you think of this man as an inspiration to better the lives of others who need it."
Imran Riza, UNHCR's representative in Jordan said before the film screening in Amman's Film House that the world in which humnanitarian workers live in today has changed. Figures of humanitarian workers killed or abducted or injured have risen five fold compared to 10 years ago.
- 278 humanitarians were victims of 139 serious security incidents in 2009, compared with 1999 when 65 humanitarians were involved in such incidents. In 2009, 205 of these victims were national staff members of humanitarian organizations, while 73 were international. In 1999, 40 victims were national staff and 25 were international.
- 102 humanitarian workers were killed in 2009 compared with 30 killed in 1999.
- 92 humanitarian workers were kidnapped in 2009 compared with 20 in 1999.
- 139 security incidents occurred in 2009, compared with 34 in 1999. Kidnappings, the most common incident, increased from 9 to 37 over this period. Attacks and assassinations rose from 7 to 32. Bombing incidents increased from 3 to 23. Ambush and road attacks increased from 8 to 20.
Seven years after the U.S. invasion of Iraq, the problems of this country have not been resolved.
By the end of this month, U.S. troops would withdraw to leave behind 50,000 from some 160,000. There are mixed feelings about U.S. President Barack Obama's pledge to complete withdrawal next year, leaving behind a limited military training presence.
Though the security situation in Iraq has improved in some areas, it is still risky, political deadlock hampers stability, and sectarian conflict is likely to continue.
Humanitarian workers aiding victims in disaster and conflict areas often work in remote, difficult, and dangerous places.
The Pakistani Taliban today said the presence of foreign relief workers in flood-ravaged Pakistan was “unacceptable” and hinted that militants could carry out attacks against members of aid groups.
In July, monsoon rains led to flooding in Pakistan and an estimated 1,600 people have been killed and about 17 million have been affected across the country.
UNHCR, which had previously sought $41 million for its special Pakistan operation, has upped its appeal for Pakistan's flood victims to $120 million so it can provide some 2 million people emergency shelter and assistance over the next four months.
UNHCR field workers reported that encampments were mushrooming across Sindh province as the floods spread into new areas of southern Pakistan over the past few days.
So far, UNHCR has provided more than 41,000 plastic tarpaulins, 14,500 family tents, 70,000 blankets, 40,000 sleeping mats, 14,800 kitchen sets, 26,600 jerry cans, 18,600 plastic buckets, 17,700 mosquito nets and 13.3 tons of soap amongst the flood affected people of Pakistan. In the first delivery to Sindh province , the Provincial Disaster Management Authority airlifted 1,000 UNHCR tents to Sukkar.
UNHCR staff across the world have left their families and homes to go to Pakistan to help the flood victims. They know they can make a difference.