BEIRUT- “Yes there’s hope”, sang Fairuz, the Lebanese icon to thousands of fans in Beirut.
The song was from her latest album released on Thursday. The crowd of more than 14,000 included celebrities who travelled from the Arab world to attend the concert, Fairuz’ first since 2006.
The audience held their breath as Fairuz entered the hall.
The legendary singer, wearing a white dress, was described as coming on stage as an “angel”. Her voice, despite her age, was still majestic. Her fans gave her a standing ovation as she appeared on stage in the Biel (Beirut International Exhibition Centre) downtown Beirut, and chanted along as she sang older songs such as al-Tahouni and Kifak inta.
In her songs, Fairuz addressed social problems such as marrying at an early age, and proved she could still appeal to all generations. She took her audience through the different stages of her musical life with the old and new songs.
The audience included fans from the younger generation, and children whose families insisted they introduce them to the most celebrated singer known in recent history.
The famous Egyptian comedian actor Adel Imam, who happened to be in Beirut for the shooting of his new film “Alzheimer”, delayed his trip back to Cairo to attend Fairuz’ concert.
“This is Fairuz, I won’t miss her concert,” Imam, who is also UNHCR’s Good Will ambassador told me.
The audience applauded, sang, and demanded more as Fairuz ended her performance the second day. She came back on stage for another song.
“I have attended her concerts before, but this was her best. This time it was different,” one fan said.
Many felt the concert gained additional significance following reports she was banned by heirs of Mansour Rahbani from singing songs composed by the Rahbani Brothers without their prior consent. The reports led to widespread protests across the Arab world.
Beirut streets were jammed. The airport witnessed an unusual traffic as fans flocked from across the Arab world to express what was viewed as their rejection to attempts to restrict or silence the voice that has become part of their lives and memories since the sixties.
The absence of her son Ziad Rahbani was noticed, yet he was very much present when the accompanying orchestra’s sang parts of his latest album ”Mniha”, each time the celebrated Fairuz went backstage for a short break.
My friends felt they had witnessed a historic concert but left wondering if Fairuz will hold another concert.
Saturday, October 9, 2010
Friday, August 27, 2010
"Sergio Vieira De Mello", a story of sacrifice and inspiration
Watching Greg Baker's Oscar-nominated documentary "Sergio" about the life and death of the UN's Special Representative in Iraq Sergio Vieira De Mello brought back good and bad memories of 2003 when I was in Iraq as a journalist covering post-Saddam Hussein Iraq.
Like other journalists, I frequented the U.N. headquarters in Baghdad for press briefings. The news of the bombing of the Canal Hotel where the UN had its headquarters two weeks after I left Iraq came as a shock.
The bombing killed 22 people, including Sergio and a dear friend Rick Hooper.
I had escaped death several times in Iraq, but the bombing of the Canal Hotel marked a turning point. Instability and violence became the norm.
Baker's moving and emotional film tells the story of Sergio who, despite his opposition to the war in Iraq, accepted the job as the UN's top man there, and showed his deep belief that the UN could be a force for positive change.
UNHCR's office in Jordan chose World Humanitarian Day on August 19 to show the film. It is the day the UN recognizes all humanitarian and UN personnel who have risked their lives to promote the humanitarian cause. It marks the day Sergio was tragically killed along with 21 of his colleagues.
The film was a tribute to a charismatic peacemaker, who has left his mark everywhere he worked.
Chetin Chabuk, co-producer of the HBO documentary "Sergio" was invited to attend the film screening in Amman. Greg Baker could not attend since the documentary was nominated for the Emmy Awards and was waiting for the result.
Chabuk said in the process of researching "Sergio", "lots of lessons were taken away: you think of this man as an inspiration to better the lives of others who need it."
Imran Riza, UNHCR's representative in Jordan said before the film screening in Amman's Film House that the world in which humnanitarian workers live in today has changed. Figures of humanitarian workers killed or abducted or injured have risen five fold compared to 10 years ago.
- 278 humanitarians were victims of 139 serious security incidents in 2009, compared with 1999 when 65 humanitarians were involved in such incidents. In 2009, 205 of these victims were national staff members of humanitarian organizations, while 73 were international. In 1999, 40 victims were national staff and 25 were international.
- 102 humanitarian workers were killed in 2009 compared with 30 killed in 1999.
- 92 humanitarian workers were kidnapped in 2009 compared with 20 in 1999.
- 139 security incidents occurred in 2009, compared with 34 in 1999. Kidnappings, the most common incident, increased from 9 to 37 over this period. Attacks and assassinations rose from 7 to 32. Bombing incidents increased from 3 to 23. Ambush and road attacks increased from 8 to 20.
Seven years after the U.S. invasion of Iraq, the problems of this country have not been resolved.
By the end of this month, U.S. troops would withdraw to leave behind 50,000 from some 160,000. There are mixed feelings about U.S. President Barack Obama's pledge to complete withdrawal next year, leaving behind a limited military training presence.
Though the security situation in Iraq has improved in some areas, it is still risky, political deadlock hampers stability, and sectarian conflict is likely to continue.
Humanitarian workers aiding victims in disaster and conflict areas often work in remote, difficult, and dangerous places.
The Pakistani Taliban today said the presence of foreign relief workers in flood-ravaged Pakistan was “unacceptable” and hinted that militants could carry out attacks against members of aid groups.
In July, monsoon rains led to flooding in Pakistan and an estimated 1,600 people have been killed and about 17 million have been affected across the country.
UNHCR, which had previously sought $41 million for its special Pakistan operation, has upped its appeal for Pakistan's flood victims to $120 million so it can provide some 2 million people emergency shelter and assistance over the next four months.
UNHCR field workers reported that encampments were mushrooming across Sindh province as the floods spread into new areas of southern Pakistan over the past few days.
So far, UNHCR has provided more than 41,000 plastic tarpaulins, 14,500 family tents, 70,000 blankets, 40,000 sleeping mats, 14,800 kitchen sets, 26,600 jerry cans, 18,600 plastic buckets, 17,700 mosquito nets and 13.3 tons of soap amongst the flood affected people of Pakistan. In the first delivery to Sindh province , the Provincial Disaster Management Authority airlifted 1,000 UNHCR tents to Sukkar.
UNHCR staff across the world have left their families and homes to go to Pakistan to help the flood victims. They know they can make a difference.
Like other journalists, I frequented the U.N. headquarters in Baghdad for press briefings. The news of the bombing of the Canal Hotel where the UN had its headquarters two weeks after I left Iraq came as a shock.
The bombing killed 22 people, including Sergio and a dear friend Rick Hooper.
I had escaped death several times in Iraq, but the bombing of the Canal Hotel marked a turning point. Instability and violence became the norm.
Baker's moving and emotional film tells the story of Sergio who, despite his opposition to the war in Iraq, accepted the job as the UN's top man there, and showed his deep belief that the UN could be a force for positive change.
UNHCR's office in Jordan chose World Humanitarian Day on August 19 to show the film. It is the day the UN recognizes all humanitarian and UN personnel who have risked their lives to promote the humanitarian cause. It marks the day Sergio was tragically killed along with 21 of his colleagues.
The film was a tribute to a charismatic peacemaker, who has left his mark everywhere he worked.
Chetin Chabuk, co-producer of the HBO documentary "Sergio" was invited to attend the film screening in Amman. Greg Baker could not attend since the documentary was nominated for the Emmy Awards and was waiting for the result.
Chabuk said in the process of researching "Sergio", "lots of lessons were taken away: you think of this man as an inspiration to better the lives of others who need it."
Imran Riza, UNHCR's representative in Jordan said before the film screening in Amman's Film House that the world in which humnanitarian workers live in today has changed. Figures of humanitarian workers killed or abducted or injured have risen five fold compared to 10 years ago.
- 278 humanitarians were victims of 139 serious security incidents in 2009, compared with 1999 when 65 humanitarians were involved in such incidents. In 2009, 205 of these victims were national staff members of humanitarian organizations, while 73 were international. In 1999, 40 victims were national staff and 25 were international.
- 102 humanitarian workers were killed in 2009 compared with 30 killed in 1999.
- 92 humanitarian workers were kidnapped in 2009 compared with 20 in 1999.
- 139 security incidents occurred in 2009, compared with 34 in 1999. Kidnappings, the most common incident, increased from 9 to 37 over this period. Attacks and assassinations rose from 7 to 32. Bombing incidents increased from 3 to 23. Ambush and road attacks increased from 8 to 20.
Seven years after the U.S. invasion of Iraq, the problems of this country have not been resolved.
By the end of this month, U.S. troops would withdraw to leave behind 50,000 from some 160,000. There are mixed feelings about U.S. President Barack Obama's pledge to complete withdrawal next year, leaving behind a limited military training presence.
Though the security situation in Iraq has improved in some areas, it is still risky, political deadlock hampers stability, and sectarian conflict is likely to continue.
Humanitarian workers aiding victims in disaster and conflict areas often work in remote, difficult, and dangerous places.
The Pakistani Taliban today said the presence of foreign relief workers in flood-ravaged Pakistan was “unacceptable” and hinted that militants could carry out attacks against members of aid groups.
In July, monsoon rains led to flooding in Pakistan and an estimated 1,600 people have been killed and about 17 million have been affected across the country.
UNHCR, which had previously sought $41 million for its special Pakistan operation, has upped its appeal for Pakistan's flood victims to $120 million so it can provide some 2 million people emergency shelter and assistance over the next four months.
UNHCR field workers reported that encampments were mushrooming across Sindh province as the floods spread into new areas of southern Pakistan over the past few days.
So far, UNHCR has provided more than 41,000 plastic tarpaulins, 14,500 family tents, 70,000 blankets, 40,000 sleeping mats, 14,800 kitchen sets, 26,600 jerry cans, 18,600 plastic buckets, 17,700 mosquito nets and 13.3 tons of soap amongst the flood affected people of Pakistan. In the first delivery to Sindh province , the Provincial Disaster Management Authority airlifted 1,000 UNHCR tents to Sukkar.
UNHCR staff across the world have left their families and homes to go to Pakistan to help the flood victims. They know they can make a difference.
Thursday, April 22, 2010
A day with Marcel Khalife
AMCHIT, Lebanon- The iconic Lebanese artist Marcel Khalifeh sang for Palestine, and turned the wonderful poems of the legendary Mahmoud Darwish into songs that became part of the national identity of the Palestinians and Arabs.
Today, Marcel took me and family friends Jamal Saidi and his wife Samar to tour the coastal village of Amchit, north of Beirut, where the infamous singer was born, where he lives, and where his heart is.
He still speaks with pain about the time when he was expelled from Amchit for 18 years for going against the tide during the civil war in the seventies by sympathizing with the Lebanese left and the Palestinians.
Marcel recalled his childhood memories as we drove through the beautiful small village with breathtaking scenery of the coast and mountains, and its old houses. Unlike in Beirut, modernity has not replaced the historical nature of the village.
“Look at this house, its windows, the palm trees. Look at the old stones, the beauty of the nature. How I love it,” Marcel said in his soft voice.
“Stop the car here, this is my first school. He walked over to the school and showed us his class, the school playground, and pointed to an old tree that stood from the days of his childhood.
Like a child, full of life, excited and eager to share his love for the village, its multifaceted religious and cultural history that inspired his first love for music and creativity.
“My village, isn’t it beautiful. Look at the nice coast. I run along the Cornish every morning when I’m here,” he said.
“This old house is the house of my first music teacher. I used to wait four hours for him outside this house until he would wake up from sleep, and when he would call me in, he would ask me if I had waited long, I would reply that I had just arrived,” Marcel said with a smile.
“There in that house I was born…There in that church I sang as a child…There on that street I walked under the rain…There…There…There….”
The celebrated composer, singer, artist, musician, has promoted change through music. Not only did he sing patriotic songs, but through his creative mixture between the Western and Arabic art, he has made important contributions in shaping the Arab musical culture.
He said he has used music as a means to highlight the civilized image of the Arabs.
What is intriguing about Marcel is his down to earth, humble nature. For the Arab masses, he is a legendary artist who has appealed to all people of all ages. In addition to the many awards he received, Marcel was the first Arab named UNESCO artist for peace in 2005.
He has succeeded in transforming the complex poetry of Mahmoud Darwish into folkloric songs. Darwish once told me that Marcel had for years turned his poetry into songs before the two men met, but he did not mind and loved them. The two later became great friends.
Marcel spoke endlessly about Darwish in a way that reflected the bond between them, and about his personal deep loss and that of the world when Darwish died on August 9, 2008 after a heart surgery.
He also spoke sadly about the death of his mother at the age of 39, when he was only 15. His mother, he said, had recognized his musical talent at an early age and encouraged him.
One of his grandfathers was a baker, the other a fisherman and flutist.
His house in Amchit belonged to his family. He lived in it since he was seven. He had given me and my friends the tour of the village before going home having that day just arrived from Syria where he gave a concert.
“My life is in a plane and in hotels,” he said, dragging his suitcase inside his house where his wife Yolla was waiting.
Asked if he was tired of travelling, he said:
“I have a message to convey.”
Today, Marcel took me and family friends Jamal Saidi and his wife Samar to tour the coastal village of Amchit, north of Beirut, where the infamous singer was born, where he lives, and where his heart is.
He still speaks with pain about the time when he was expelled from Amchit for 18 years for going against the tide during the civil war in the seventies by sympathizing with the Lebanese left and the Palestinians.
Marcel recalled his childhood memories as we drove through the beautiful small village with breathtaking scenery of the coast and mountains, and its old houses. Unlike in Beirut, modernity has not replaced the historical nature of the village.
“Look at this house, its windows, the palm trees. Look at the old stones, the beauty of the nature. How I love it,” Marcel said in his soft voice.
“Stop the car here, this is my first school. He walked over to the school and showed us his class, the school playground, and pointed to an old tree that stood from the days of his childhood.
Like a child, full of life, excited and eager to share his love for the village, its multifaceted religious and cultural history that inspired his first love for music and creativity.
“My village, isn’t it beautiful. Look at the nice coast. I run along the Cornish every morning when I’m here,” he said.
“This old house is the house of my first music teacher. I used to wait four hours for him outside this house until he would wake up from sleep, and when he would call me in, he would ask me if I had waited long, I would reply that I had just arrived,” Marcel said with a smile.
“There in that house I was born…There in that church I sang as a child…There on that street I walked under the rain…There…There…There….”
The celebrated composer, singer, artist, musician, has promoted change through music. Not only did he sing patriotic songs, but through his creative mixture between the Western and Arabic art, he has made important contributions in shaping the Arab musical culture.
He said he has used music as a means to highlight the civilized image of the Arabs.
What is intriguing about Marcel is his down to earth, humble nature. For the Arab masses, he is a legendary artist who has appealed to all people of all ages. In addition to the many awards he received, Marcel was the first Arab named UNESCO artist for peace in 2005.
He has succeeded in transforming the complex poetry of Mahmoud Darwish into folkloric songs. Darwish once told me that Marcel had for years turned his poetry into songs before the two men met, but he did not mind and loved them. The two later became great friends.
Marcel spoke endlessly about Darwish in a way that reflected the bond between them, and about his personal deep loss and that of the world when Darwish died on August 9, 2008 after a heart surgery.
He also spoke sadly about the death of his mother at the age of 39, when he was only 15. His mother, he said, had recognized his musical talent at an early age and encouraged him.
One of his grandfathers was a baker, the other a fisherman and flutist.
His house in Amchit belonged to his family. He lived in it since he was seven. He had given me and my friends the tour of the village before going home having that day just arrived from Syria where he gave a concert.
“My life is in a plane and in hotels,” he said, dragging his suitcase inside his house where his wife Yolla was waiting.
Asked if he was tired of travelling, he said:
“I have a message to convey.”
Friday, April 9, 2010
UNHCR sees deepening needs among Iraqi refugees even as world interest wanes
BEIRUT, Lebanon, March 30 (UNHCR) – Seven years after the start of the Iraq war, the future of the hundreds of thousands of Iraqi refugees remains shrouded in uncertainty. While much of the world is losing interest in their fate, UNHCR is warning of deepening needs that will take years to resolve.
Most Iraqi refugees see no immediate solution to their plight, unconvinced it is safe to return home. Although conditions in Iraq have improved over the past two years, the situation remains fragile. In recent months, the number returning has been largely offset by new departures from Iraq.
Those who remain in host countries are not allowed to integrate locally and are in a state of legal limbo. With savings used up, the conditions of Iraqi refugees are deteriorating. If the outflow resumed, host countries facing strained resources and dwindling international financial support could close their doors to Iraqi asylum seekers.
"Seven years after the start of the Iraq conflict in March 2003, and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis still are still uncertain about their future and their prospects for return," said Renata Dubini, the head of UNHCR's office in Syria. The agency has registered some 300,000 Iraqi refugees who have approached UNHCR offices in the surrounding countries, while government estimates are far higher.
"Prolonged exile can have a crushing impact on a person's sense of dignity and self-worth. With any savings or resources depleted, many refugees are resorting to negative coping mechanisms in order to survive. Problems like school drop-out, child labour, domestic violence, trafficking and exploitation are on the rise, all of which are difficult to monitor and detect."
UNHCR is seeking US$510 million to fund programmes for Iraqis inside Iraq and in hosting countries this year. The Iraqi refugee population is largest in Syria, with some 220,000 registered with UNHCR. Another 47,000 have been registered with UNHCR in Jordan, while Lebanon hosts 10,000 registered refugees.
"Over the years, we have made considerable progress in terms of providing quality assistance and maintaining the protection space for Iraqis in Syria," said Dubini. "However, vulnerabilities are deepening at a time when the world is losing interest in Iraqi refugees. We count on the continued support of the international community and host governments to care for the hundreds of thousands still in need of our help."
Iraqis fleeing to Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Egypt and other states are generally poor and need medical care, education, financial aid and protection. Since states hosting the largest number of Iraqi refugees such as Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon are not signatories to the 1951 Convention that defines the rights and obligations of refugees and host countries, refugees are not granted residency and risk detention, exploitation or deportation.
Because refugees cannot legally work and face recent price rises in rent, food, and fuel in host countries, UNHCR is working on reducing the impact and trying to counter homelessness, child labour, school dropouts and early marriage. The number of refugees with special needs is rising. Financial assistance remains essential for families, especially the most vulnerable.
UNHCR Syria has identified some 85,000 Iraqi refugees with special needs, including 10,549 women at risk. In Jordan, UNHCR assists more than 11,000 Iraqi refugees with specific vulnerabilities. In Lebanon, more than 1,600 Iraqis are especially vulnerable.
UNHCR is running a programme of resettlement for Iraqi refugees who are either unable to ever return home or are too vulnerable to remain in their current host countries. So far UNHCR staff have interviewed and referred for resettlement over 93,000 Iraqis, including 66,000 to the United States. The individual resettlement countries then examine the recommended cases, with more than 40,000 Iraqi refugees already starting new lives in third countries.
For the rest, they wait in the host countries, watching developments at home. Inside Iraq, UNHCR tries to monitor the relatively small number who do return and also hopes to improve conditions to allow some of the 1.7 million Iraqis displaced inside their country since 2003 to go home. UNHCR expanded staffing by 50 per cent in 2009 to 150 throughout Iraq.
Over 2,000 Iraqis are estimated to return to Iraq each month but UNHCR's assessment is that conditions for sustainable, large-scale return of Iraqi refugees in conditions of dignity and safety are not yet in place. UNHCR will help those wishing to return but is not advocating that people go home.
With Iraq at a critical stage of its political development following the national elections earlier in March, and with a planned U.S. troop withdrawal by the end of 2011, UNHCR is anxious that the international community maintain support to displaced Iraqis inside and outside the country. The dwindling media interest in Iraqi refugees is not matched by a decline in the scale of the problem.
By Wafa Amr in Beirut, Lebanon
Source: UNHCR
Most Iraqi refugees see no immediate solution to their plight, unconvinced it is safe to return home. Although conditions in Iraq have improved over the past two years, the situation remains fragile. In recent months, the number returning has been largely offset by new departures from Iraq.
Those who remain in host countries are not allowed to integrate locally and are in a state of legal limbo. With savings used up, the conditions of Iraqi refugees are deteriorating. If the outflow resumed, host countries facing strained resources and dwindling international financial support could close their doors to Iraqi asylum seekers.
"Seven years after the start of the Iraq conflict in March 2003, and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis still are still uncertain about their future and their prospects for return," said Renata Dubini, the head of UNHCR's office in Syria. The agency has registered some 300,000 Iraqi refugees who have approached UNHCR offices in the surrounding countries, while government estimates are far higher.
"Prolonged exile can have a crushing impact on a person's sense of dignity and self-worth. With any savings or resources depleted, many refugees are resorting to negative coping mechanisms in order to survive. Problems like school drop-out, child labour, domestic violence, trafficking and exploitation are on the rise, all of which are difficult to monitor and detect."
UNHCR is seeking US$510 million to fund programmes for Iraqis inside Iraq and in hosting countries this year. The Iraqi refugee population is largest in Syria, with some 220,000 registered with UNHCR. Another 47,000 have been registered with UNHCR in Jordan, while Lebanon hosts 10,000 registered refugees.
"Over the years, we have made considerable progress in terms of providing quality assistance and maintaining the protection space for Iraqis in Syria," said Dubini. "However, vulnerabilities are deepening at a time when the world is losing interest in Iraqi refugees. We count on the continued support of the international community and host governments to care for the hundreds of thousands still in need of our help."
Iraqis fleeing to Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Egypt and other states are generally poor and need medical care, education, financial aid and protection. Since states hosting the largest number of Iraqi refugees such as Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon are not signatories to the 1951 Convention that defines the rights and obligations of refugees and host countries, refugees are not granted residency and risk detention, exploitation or deportation.
Because refugees cannot legally work and face recent price rises in rent, food, and fuel in host countries, UNHCR is working on reducing the impact and trying to counter homelessness, child labour, school dropouts and early marriage. The number of refugees with special needs is rising. Financial assistance remains essential for families, especially the most vulnerable.
UNHCR Syria has identified some 85,000 Iraqi refugees with special needs, including 10,549 women at risk. In Jordan, UNHCR assists more than 11,000 Iraqi refugees with specific vulnerabilities. In Lebanon, more than 1,600 Iraqis are especially vulnerable.
UNHCR is running a programme of resettlement for Iraqi refugees who are either unable to ever return home or are too vulnerable to remain in their current host countries. So far UNHCR staff have interviewed and referred for resettlement over 93,000 Iraqis, including 66,000 to the United States. The individual resettlement countries then examine the recommended cases, with more than 40,000 Iraqi refugees already starting new lives in third countries.
For the rest, they wait in the host countries, watching developments at home. Inside Iraq, UNHCR tries to monitor the relatively small number who do return and also hopes to improve conditions to allow some of the 1.7 million Iraqis displaced inside their country since 2003 to go home. UNHCR expanded staffing by 50 per cent in 2009 to 150 throughout Iraq.
Over 2,000 Iraqis are estimated to return to Iraq each month but UNHCR's assessment is that conditions for sustainable, large-scale return of Iraqi refugees in conditions of dignity and safety are not yet in place. UNHCR will help those wishing to return but is not advocating that people go home.
With Iraq at a critical stage of its political development following the national elections earlier in March, and with a planned U.S. troop withdrawal by the end of 2011, UNHCR is anxious that the international community maintain support to displaced Iraqis inside and outside the country. The dwindling media interest in Iraqi refugees is not matched by a decline in the scale of the problem.
By Wafa Amr in Beirut, Lebanon
Source: UNHCR
Saturday, February 27, 2010
Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
Standing in a dark alley outside her two-room home in a decaying, decrepit building in Shatilla camp in Beirut and with Yasser Arafat's poster plastered on her wall, Un Ahmad, 43, a refugee from Safad, pointed at the muddy narrow passageway that snaked through the camp littered with garbage and sewage.
"Of course I want to return to Palestine. Do you want me to continue to live in these degrading conditions? Anywhere in Palestine is better than this," she said.
Like many refugees living in squalid refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank and in Gaza Strip, Um Ahmad dreams of the day she will leave the miserable life of the camp and return to Palestine. She was born in Shatilla camp and has heard about life in the West Bank from her sister who married a Palestinian West Banker and left the life of the camps to a life under occupation.
The first time I visited Gaza in 1994 and walked around the refugee camps in the city, I was shocked at the desolate conditions there.
Shatilla camp was worse than Gaza. It was raining as I walked through the mud and litter. The building complexes were so close to each other they hid the daylight. Electricity cables were hanging low from the buildings that felt they would collapse any minute. It was clear Arafat's Fatah faction was the dominant faction in the camp. Many faded posters of Arafat, some of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, and several pictures of dead Fatah founders filled the camp.
Children in ragged clothes played in the mud amidst the filth and mountains of garbage.
"I'm from Palestine, but I don't know where from Palestine," said six-year-old Saleem.
"I'm from Lebanon," Najwa, 8, said.
Old men, some wearing Arafat's black and white Keffiyehs on their heads, sat in front of a small, almost empty shop gazing at nothing in particular, misery and sadness in their eyes. A sense of hoplessness overwhelmed the refugee camp Palestinian residents.
The crowded camp now is home also to Syrians who came to Lebanon for work, some Sudanese and Iraqi refugees and poor Lebanese families who could not afford housing in better parts of Beirut.
The smell of sewage and decay filled the air and sewage swamped the alleys of the camp. A building destroyed by artillery and which was once used as headquarters by the PLO's Liberation Army in 1982 was riddled with bullet holes and served as one of many reminders of the 1982 massacre.
Mar Elias refugee camp, known as the better camp, was somewhat cleaner and its houses were not as tiny or falling to pieces as those in Shatilla. The alleys in the camp were so narrow only one person at a time can walk through them. The air also smelt of sewage.
Um Youssef was an angry old woman. She was angry at the past and the present. She said she was angry because the Palestinians were divided and the leaderships of Hamas and Fatah were too busy fighting each other to think of the refugees and their right of return.
For the Israelis, the Palestinians' wish to return is a lost cause because for them it contradicts the survival of the "Jewish State."
The right of return however is a unifying collective dream for the refugees.
"Palestine is in my heart, I want to return now," said Nadia, 24.
"But for some here in the camp, some of the younger generation, the (Palestinian) cause is not their priority. They want to live and work and improve their economic conditions, this now comes first for some," she said.
"Hunger, deprivation and starvation push them to this," Abu Abed, 61, shouted from his grocery shop across the alley.
"Of course I want to return to Palestine. Do you want me to continue to live in these degrading conditions? Anywhere in Palestine is better than this," she said.
Like many refugees living in squalid refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank and in Gaza Strip, Um Ahmad dreams of the day she will leave the miserable life of the camp and return to Palestine. She was born in Shatilla camp and has heard about life in the West Bank from her sister who married a Palestinian West Banker and left the life of the camps to a life under occupation.
The first time I visited Gaza in 1994 and walked around the refugee camps in the city, I was shocked at the desolate conditions there.
Shatilla camp was worse than Gaza. It was raining as I walked through the mud and litter. The building complexes were so close to each other they hid the daylight. Electricity cables were hanging low from the buildings that felt they would collapse any minute. It was clear Arafat's Fatah faction was the dominant faction in the camp. Many faded posters of Arafat, some of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, and several pictures of dead Fatah founders filled the camp.
Children in ragged clothes played in the mud amidst the filth and mountains of garbage.
"I'm from Palestine, but I don't know where from Palestine," said six-year-old Saleem.
"I'm from Lebanon," Najwa, 8, said.
Old men, some wearing Arafat's black and white Keffiyehs on their heads, sat in front of a small, almost empty shop gazing at nothing in particular, misery and sadness in their eyes. A sense of hoplessness overwhelmed the refugee camp Palestinian residents.
The crowded camp now is home also to Syrians who came to Lebanon for work, some Sudanese and Iraqi refugees and poor Lebanese families who could not afford housing in better parts of Beirut.
The smell of sewage and decay filled the air and sewage swamped the alleys of the camp. A building destroyed by artillery and which was once used as headquarters by the PLO's Liberation Army in 1982 was riddled with bullet holes and served as one of many reminders of the 1982 massacre.
Mar Elias refugee camp, known as the better camp, was somewhat cleaner and its houses were not as tiny or falling to pieces as those in Shatilla. The alleys in the camp were so narrow only one person at a time can walk through them. The air also smelt of sewage.
Um Youssef was an angry old woman. She was angry at the past and the present. She said she was angry because the Palestinians were divided and the leaderships of Hamas and Fatah were too busy fighting each other to think of the refugees and their right of return.
For the Israelis, the Palestinians' wish to return is a lost cause because for them it contradicts the survival of the "Jewish State."
The right of return however is a unifying collective dream for the refugees.
"Palestine is in my heart, I want to return now," said Nadia, 24.
"But for some here in the camp, some of the younger generation, the (Palestinian) cause is not their priority. They want to live and work and improve their economic conditions, this now comes first for some," she said.
"Hunger, deprivation and starvation push them to this," Abu Abed, 61, shouted from his grocery shop across the alley.
Thursday, January 21, 2010
Lessons for Future Negotiations: The Geneva Initiative Annexes
Today I attended an interesting conference organized by the Geneva Initiative in Tel Aviv which tackled proposals to reach a comprehensive final settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The discussion focused on conclusions reached by Israeli and Palestinian teams compiled n a 423-page book detailing issues relating to a final status agreement, including borders and security.
The book was presented to local and international leaders as well as think tanks to serve as a base of reference for future talks on a final agreement.
Presentations included maps and detailed information on proposals to reach a final settlement.
Brigadier General Udi Dekel, head of the Negotiations Administration under the former Ehud Olmert government said talks were conducted after Annapolis in a serious manner and the Israelis wanted to reach an agreement before elections but this was not possible mainly because of the Cast Lead war on Gaza Strip.
During the talks which ended with failure to meet U.S. President George Bush's timeline for an agreement by the end of 2008, Dekel said the sides negotiated in secrecy, an essential element for the success of any negotiations, however, the way the talks were structured was problematic because the sides had agreed that nothing was agreed until everything was agreed.
"It should be that anything agreed should be implemented," Dekel said.
He said that the Palestinians sought to anchor their rights and would not show compromise such as insisting on the fact that they gave up most of historical Palestine and were left with 22 percent, so they insisted on either getting 100 percent of it or nothing. The Israeli negotiators felt that the 2-state solution was used as a playcard by the Palestinians when Ahmed Qurie, head of the Palestinian negotiating team took out the winning card by threatening to opt for a binational state to push the Israelis to make concessions.
Dekel's interesting point, which I have heard from several Israeli negotiators was his comment about how the Palestinian negotiating team was well prepared with maps and documents while the Israelis had nothing.
"We were running around the clock trying to find paperwork...somebody made sure it disappeared," Dekel said.
Several other Israeli negotiators spoke about the impressive work of the PLO's Negotiations Support Unit, which employs articulate, Western educated, young legal and political advisers who draft documents, maps, and have negotiations drafts ready on every single issue. They said Israeli negotiators change with each new government, there is no continuity, and usually old negotiators don't share their documents with the new ones. The Palestinians however, have known Qurie (Abu Ala), Yasser Abed Rabbo, and Saeb Erekat as the only faces dealing with negotiations.
Dekel's Palestinian counterpart in the negotiations and map expert Sameeh al-Abed responded to Dekel's claims by saying that the Palestinians had made compromises and shown flexibility on a number of issues including territory when they presented different maps at the Camp David summit in 2000, in Taba in 2001, and during talks after Annapolis.
"Nobody in Israel or in the United States mentiosn that we presented compromise maps at Camp David because they wanted to blame the Palestinians for not accepting what were not generous offers," Abed said.
"Dekel admits the Palestinian side was prepared. That was because we were serious, while we were negotiating seriously after Annapolis, we felt that the Israelis were not serious because they were not prepared, as he said," Abed said.
Haim Ramon, former Minister of Jerusalem Affairs and Chairman of the Kadima Council discussed Jerusalem. He said in 1967, Jerusalm was 38 square kilomters.
"Jerusalem today is not Jerusalem. We have annexed 43 villages which were never Jerusalem...We are eternalising the lie (that all the annexed territory is Jerusalem). The public should know that Jerusalem is ot Jerusalem. It's a Holy Basin," Ramon said.
"We never spoke about dividing Jerusalem but about returning villages that were never part of Jerusalem," he said.
Like other presentators,Ramon doesn't believe that the present government of Benjamin Netanyahu can begin a dialogue or reach an agreement with the Palestinians.
Yossi Beilin, former Justice Minister and of the Geneva Initiative Steering Committee said it was possible to reach a settlement but the political leaders don't have the political will.
"There's a Palestinian leader (President Mahmoud Abbas) who, even most of the right-wing in Israel, believe he wants peace. He's not a replica of Arafat. There's an American President (Barack Obama) whose a miracle. He said all the right things...but the Obama administration after one year has failed to advance the peace process," Beilin said. He said sadly, opportunities were lost during the past year since Obama came to office.
Rightly so, Beilin pointed out the Israelis' apathy with peace moves. He said the Americans were mistaken in making a full settlement freeze a condition to resuming peace talks "and to give it up was a worse mistake."
Beilin said that Netanyahu's 10-month temporary settlement freeze was a "joke". He said decision-making in Washington, especially the agreement reached with Israel over the temporary settlement freeze while excluding the Palestinians "is very disappointing to the peace camp."
Beilin said Abbas was mistaken if he believes that Obama would set the parameters for him. "The world isn't going to give us solutions, it's either we do the job or nobody will do it for us."
He cautioned that if a negotiated solution was not reached, "Sharon Two will come. A prime minister will come and take unilateral decisions, and take the fence as a criteria...because there's no Zionist leader who believes in a binational state. A Prime Miniter will be coerced into unilateral steps and it will be like Gaza." There will be some attacks and no peace, he warned.
"This is completely idiotic...We can only say (Geneva Initiative proposals) are the only alternative. Never Give Up."
The book was presented to local and international leaders as well as think tanks to serve as a base of reference for future talks on a final agreement.
Presentations included maps and detailed information on proposals to reach a final settlement.
Brigadier General Udi Dekel, head of the Negotiations Administration under the former Ehud Olmert government said talks were conducted after Annapolis in a serious manner and the Israelis wanted to reach an agreement before elections but this was not possible mainly because of the Cast Lead war on Gaza Strip.
During the talks which ended with failure to meet U.S. President George Bush's timeline for an agreement by the end of 2008, Dekel said the sides negotiated in secrecy, an essential element for the success of any negotiations, however, the way the talks were structured was problematic because the sides had agreed that nothing was agreed until everything was agreed.
"It should be that anything agreed should be implemented," Dekel said.
He said that the Palestinians sought to anchor their rights and would not show compromise such as insisting on the fact that they gave up most of historical Palestine and were left with 22 percent, so they insisted on either getting 100 percent of it or nothing. The Israeli negotiators felt that the 2-state solution was used as a playcard by the Palestinians when Ahmed Qurie, head of the Palestinian negotiating team took out the winning card by threatening to opt for a binational state to push the Israelis to make concessions.
Dekel's interesting point, which I have heard from several Israeli negotiators was his comment about how the Palestinian negotiating team was well prepared with maps and documents while the Israelis had nothing.
"We were running around the clock trying to find paperwork...somebody made sure it disappeared," Dekel said.
Several other Israeli negotiators spoke about the impressive work of the PLO's Negotiations Support Unit, which employs articulate, Western educated, young legal and political advisers who draft documents, maps, and have negotiations drafts ready on every single issue. They said Israeli negotiators change with each new government, there is no continuity, and usually old negotiators don't share their documents with the new ones. The Palestinians however, have known Qurie (Abu Ala), Yasser Abed Rabbo, and Saeb Erekat as the only faces dealing with negotiations.
Dekel's Palestinian counterpart in the negotiations and map expert Sameeh al-Abed responded to Dekel's claims by saying that the Palestinians had made compromises and shown flexibility on a number of issues including territory when they presented different maps at the Camp David summit in 2000, in Taba in 2001, and during talks after Annapolis.
"Nobody in Israel or in the United States mentiosn that we presented compromise maps at Camp David because they wanted to blame the Palestinians for not accepting what were not generous offers," Abed said.
"Dekel admits the Palestinian side was prepared. That was because we were serious, while we were negotiating seriously after Annapolis, we felt that the Israelis were not serious because they were not prepared, as he said," Abed said.
Haim Ramon, former Minister of Jerusalem Affairs and Chairman of the Kadima Council discussed Jerusalem. He said in 1967, Jerusalm was 38 square kilomters.
"Jerusalem today is not Jerusalem. We have annexed 43 villages which were never Jerusalem...We are eternalising the lie (that all the annexed territory is Jerusalem). The public should know that Jerusalem is ot Jerusalem. It's a Holy Basin," Ramon said.
"We never spoke about dividing Jerusalem but about returning villages that were never part of Jerusalem," he said.
Like other presentators,Ramon doesn't believe that the present government of Benjamin Netanyahu can begin a dialogue or reach an agreement with the Palestinians.
Yossi Beilin, former Justice Minister and of the Geneva Initiative Steering Committee said it was possible to reach a settlement but the political leaders don't have the political will.
"There's a Palestinian leader (President Mahmoud Abbas) who, even most of the right-wing in Israel, believe he wants peace. He's not a replica of Arafat. There's an American President (Barack Obama) whose a miracle. He said all the right things...but the Obama administration after one year has failed to advance the peace process," Beilin said. He said sadly, opportunities were lost during the past year since Obama came to office.
Rightly so, Beilin pointed out the Israelis' apathy with peace moves. He said the Americans were mistaken in making a full settlement freeze a condition to resuming peace talks "and to give it up was a worse mistake."
Beilin said that Netanyahu's 10-month temporary settlement freeze was a "joke". He said decision-making in Washington, especially the agreement reached with Israel over the temporary settlement freeze while excluding the Palestinians "is very disappointing to the peace camp."
Beilin said Abbas was mistaken if he believes that Obama would set the parameters for him. "The world isn't going to give us solutions, it's either we do the job or nobody will do it for us."
He cautioned that if a negotiated solution was not reached, "Sharon Two will come. A prime minister will come and take unilateral decisions, and take the fence as a criteria...because there's no Zionist leader who believes in a binational state. A Prime Miniter will be coerced into unilateral steps and it will be like Gaza." There will be some attacks and no peace, he warned.
"This is completely idiotic...We can only say (Geneva Initiative proposals) are the only alternative. Never Give Up."
Thursday, January 7, 2010
Once again, the Palestinians are pushed against the wall
Once again, the Palestinians find themselves on the defensive, and again, Israel has succeeded in blaming the Palestinians for obstructing the renewal of peace talks.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said he was not opposed to the resumption of peace talks, but after marathon and slow talks since 1993, this time he wants a complete halt to settlements and wants guarantees that negotiations will lead to a Palestinian state on lands Israel occupied in 1967. He is not against a limited and agreed swap of lands.
But this is not what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wants. The Israeli leader came to power with the following principles: No negotiations over Jerusalem or refugees' right of return, no to a complete settlements freeze and borders are subject to negotiations.
The world hailed what Netanyahu successfully portrayed as a siginicant shift in his position when he accepted a two-state solution. The international community was pleased with his new shift in position regarding a 10-month freeze on settlements excluding Jerusalem, and Washington believes this to be an unprecedented move.
World leaders who followed U.S. President Barack Obama's lead in calling for a complete settlements freeze and pressed Israel to comply, changed their heart when Obama did and accepted Israel's "restraint" on building. Nobody wants to see Netanyahu's right-wing coalition fall, and anyway, they now believe it was a big mistake to start a peace process with asking too much of Israel.
While world leaders were making the shift to accomodate Israel's domestic hardships, Abbas continued to insist on a total settlement freeze and international involvement on setting the borders of the Palestian state.
The international community now says that Netanyahu has bended far enough, that's all he can give, and it was up to Abbas to climb down the tree.
It has always been easier to pressure the weaker side.
Palestinians are now reminded of the times when the world was blaming Arafat for rejecting Ehud Barack's offers during the Camp David summit even after Rob Malley explained no so-called "generous" offers were made.
Abbas will this time come under pressure, or is already under pressure to accept whatever the Americans offer or be blamed for lacking leadership. Abbas can't be accused of fomenting violence or opposing peace, but his leadership skills will come under attack.
An aide to Abbas said the Palestinian leader now wants a state. The United States and Europe say they want to see Israel end occupation that began in 1967, they reject Israel's occupation and annexation of East Jerusalem and want to see a Palestinain state, but they are not ready yet to accept that state.
"If Abbas comes under pressure, he will leave the political scene, and the world will get Hamas instead, the aide said.
The Palestinians' backs are again to the wall.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said he was not opposed to the resumption of peace talks, but after marathon and slow talks since 1993, this time he wants a complete halt to settlements and wants guarantees that negotiations will lead to a Palestinian state on lands Israel occupied in 1967. He is not against a limited and agreed swap of lands.
But this is not what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wants. The Israeli leader came to power with the following principles: No negotiations over Jerusalem or refugees' right of return, no to a complete settlements freeze and borders are subject to negotiations.
The world hailed what Netanyahu successfully portrayed as a siginicant shift in his position when he accepted a two-state solution. The international community was pleased with his new shift in position regarding a 10-month freeze on settlements excluding Jerusalem, and Washington believes this to be an unprecedented move.
World leaders who followed U.S. President Barack Obama's lead in calling for a complete settlements freeze and pressed Israel to comply, changed their heart when Obama did and accepted Israel's "restraint" on building. Nobody wants to see Netanyahu's right-wing coalition fall, and anyway, they now believe it was a big mistake to start a peace process with asking too much of Israel.
While world leaders were making the shift to accomodate Israel's domestic hardships, Abbas continued to insist on a total settlement freeze and international involvement on setting the borders of the Palestian state.
The international community now says that Netanyahu has bended far enough, that's all he can give, and it was up to Abbas to climb down the tree.
It has always been easier to pressure the weaker side.
Palestinians are now reminded of the times when the world was blaming Arafat for rejecting Ehud Barack's offers during the Camp David summit even after Rob Malley explained no so-called "generous" offers were made.
Abbas will this time come under pressure, or is already under pressure to accept whatever the Americans offer or be blamed for lacking leadership. Abbas can't be accused of fomenting violence or opposing peace, but his leadership skills will come under attack.
An aide to Abbas said the Palestinian leader now wants a state. The United States and Europe say they want to see Israel end occupation that began in 1967, they reject Israel's occupation and annexation of East Jerusalem and want to see a Palestinain state, but they are not ready yet to accept that state.
"If Abbas comes under pressure, he will leave the political scene, and the world will get Hamas instead, the aide said.
The Palestinians' backs are again to the wall.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)