As Fatah prepares to hold its Sixth Congress in the occupied West Bank city of Bethlehem on August 4, its leaders and members are engaged in feuds to secure leadership positions in decision-making bodies. Few however, are seriously contemplating how a "new" reformed Fatah movement can reflect the new and different political and organizational realities that have taken place since the last Congress was held 20 years ago in Tunis.
The 1989 Fifth Fatah Congress, then headed by Fatah's leader Yasser Arafat and other PLO leaders in exile, adopted the movement's first Basic Law, its interim Charter, as well as a political program, both hardline documents that were drafted at the ouset of the first Intifada, before the signing of the Oslo interim deals with Israel, and before the establishment of the Palestinian Authority. http://jta.org/news/article/2009/03/18/1003800/dahlan-fatah-never-recognized-israel
That charter called for "liberating all of Palestine and liquidating the Zionist entity".
It said a popular armed revolution was the only way to liberate Palestine and armed struggle was a strategic choice and not a tactic.
Many things have changed since 1989. The PLO now calls for establishing a state not on all of historical Palestine, but only on some 22 percent of it (the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip). The PLO has reneged on violence and seeks a negotiated settlement to the conflict with Israel.
Some things haven't changed though, such as Israel's continued occupation of the West Bank and the besiege of Gaza Strip, and the expansion of Jewish settlements that Palestinians say would prevent the creation of a viable Palestinian state.
The U.S. needs a strong, moderate Fatah to pursue its peace drive.
Fatah, the PLO's largest faction, is desperately in need of reform at a time of renewed hope of progress towards a U.S.-backed Israeli-Palestinian settlement.
Fatah's old guard, mainly leaders who were living in exile before moving to the Palestinian Territories after the Oslo deal in 1994, have monopolised decision-making for 20 years. These are 22 members of Fatah's Central Committee. Some are dead, the rest are over 70 years old. The 122-member Revolutionary Council is made up of people in their fifties and sixties.
The younger local leadership, now in their forties, fifties, and sixties, seek a role in the decision-making process having been excluded since Fatah's inception in 1965.
Fatah, which has the led the Palestinians from 1965 to 2006 when they lost power to Hamas, has constantly been on the defense against allegations of corruption and mismanagement.
Fatah's weakness has brought Hamas to power. For moderate Fatah leader, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, the holding of the Sixth Fatah Congress is aimed at "salvaging" Fatah from disintegration and regaining the confidence of the people ahead of parliamentary and presidential elections planned for January 25.
"The Fatah Conference will not tackle political issues. We want to save and strengthen Fatah now, not enter into a vicious circle of whether to change our charter or not. The important thing for us now is to regain Fatah's leading role in society," a senior Fatah official said.
But the world will be watching to see the political direction of the new Fatah leadership. Hardline rhetorics and positions would be viewed as an impediment to the two-state solution.
Fatah moderates are proposing some ammendements to the Fatah Charter that water down insistence on armed struggle as the only liberation means. Some drafted suggestions such as giving the political leadership the power to control the form of struggle to be used and its timing. Others propose appointing a committee from the new elected leadership to study ways to change the Charter", which basically implies shelving the issue.
Fatah grassroots are demoralized and many have lost faith in their movement. Fatah has done little to address issues that led to its defeat to Hamas. The young generation want to see occupation come to an end. They may not be opposed to negotiations with Israel, but their more immediate interest is in strengthening their power base in the West Bank and in defying Hamas to "liberate" Gaza from the Islamist group's grip.
Hamas, which controls Gaza through a systematic crackdown on Fatah, has been weakened by simlar crackdowns in the West Bank by Israel and the Palestinain Authority. http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article10679.shtml
An Egyptian mediated Fatah-Hamas reconciliation is moving in a vicious circle http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2009/07/31/world/international-uk-palestinians-hamas.html
Abbas has dispatched two academics and a businessman to Hamas' leadership in Damascus two days ago to mediate an end to the division ahead of planned peace talks with Israel later this year and facilitate elections. The mediators say they are discussing wording of a deal on forming a unity government that could be accepted by both sides.
If reconciliation succeeds and if Fatah holds its reform conference, Fatah may emerge stronger. It would also be an indication that Hamas may be seriously debating whether its continued control of Gaza was harming its popularity and that it might affect its future standing in elections.
Thursday, July 30, 2009
Friday, July 24, 2009
Fayyad's international vote of confidence
Salam Fayyad, the Palestinian Prime Minister tonight earned what he described as an international "huge vote of confidence" when U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced through video conference from Washington the delivery of $200m in budgetary support to the cash-strapped, donor-dependant Palestinian Authority.
Clinton said the United States has chosen to disburse the funds directly to the Palestinian Authority's treasury as a result of Fayyad's success in undertaking comprehensive reform and his "exceptional two-year track record" of managing funds in an accountable and transparent manner.
The U.S. Consul in Jerusalem Jacob Walles, who signed the agreement to deliver the aid package with Fayyad in Ramallah, said the economic aid to the PA did not replace his country's efforts to reach a political settlement. U.S. envoy George Mitchell would arrive next week as part of efforts to resume deadlocked Israeli-Palestinian peace talks.
The U.S. was the largest single donor to the Palestinians in 2008, committing more than $600 in aid at a time when Fayyad was struggling to overcome a financial crisis that almost paralyzed the PA. The situation was aggravated by Israel's war in Gaza.
The PA has reached its borrowing limit after borrowing $350 million from private banks to meet its monthly obligations which include paying salaries of more than 150,000 government workers in the West Bank and Hamas-ruled Gaza.
Not all the funds promised for budgetary support at several donor conferences have materialized.
Western diplomats and Palestinian officials say many Arab donors have been not been forthcoming in helping Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas' Authority to avoid taking sides in his fight with Hamas and to apply pressure on the two sides to reconcile.
Hamas doesn't seem to be suffering from cash shortage despite the long siege and international isolation imposed on Gaza. It is the people who suffer, both in the West Bank and Gaza.
I asked Fayyad during the press conference in the West Bank city of Ramallah following Clinton's announcement of aid disbursement how much the Arabs have paid. He said $95 million, ONLY 16 percent of a total of $606 million in foreign aid received by the PA in 2009.
Fayyad said the budget deficit was $1.5 billion.
Abbas has recently said in an interview to al-Falastiniya Television that Arab reluctance to help the PA meet its financial obligations and their so-called "neutrality" by not publicly blaming the side that captured Gaza by force was not helping reconciliation efforts.
Reconciliation efforts are moving in a vicious circle. The infighting however, is not confined to Hamas and Fatah.
As Fatah prepares to hold its conference on August 4 to elect a new leadership, Fatah candidates for leadership positions are engaged in fierce rivalries.
Fatah has run the affairs of the Palestinians for decades but its humiliating defeat by Hamas in the 2006 elections and Abbas' formation of a government led by Fayyad, a technocrat, has alarmed many Fatah officials. Despite their divisions, many seem to be united in their quest to return to power.
With Gaza under Hamas rule, they want to return to power in the West Bank and lead the government there. After the Fatah conference, Fayyad or any other prime minister will have to implement Fatah's program, I've heard several say.
Great. But have the rest of the Palestinians, those not affiliated with Hamas or Fatah, seen a real reform process taking place within Fatah? Have those who voted for Hamas, not out of ideology but to punish Fatah for alleged corruption and mismanagement, sensed that Fatah has learned from its mistakes that led to the Hamas takeover of Gaza?
The Palestinians and the entire world will be waiting to see whether the new Fatah leadership will return to its people and bridge those gaps that led to its loss.
Fayyad has earned the respect of the international community for putting in place systems of transparency. The aim, he says, is to build the infrastructure of statehood. So far, his efforts seem to be backed by the Western world but undermined by Hamas, Fatah, and the Arabs.
Clinton said the United States has chosen to disburse the funds directly to the Palestinian Authority's treasury as a result of Fayyad's success in undertaking comprehensive reform and his "exceptional two-year track record" of managing funds in an accountable and transparent manner.
The U.S. Consul in Jerusalem Jacob Walles, who signed the agreement to deliver the aid package with Fayyad in Ramallah, said the economic aid to the PA did not replace his country's efforts to reach a political settlement. U.S. envoy George Mitchell would arrive next week as part of efforts to resume deadlocked Israeli-Palestinian peace talks.
The U.S. was the largest single donor to the Palestinians in 2008, committing more than $600 in aid at a time when Fayyad was struggling to overcome a financial crisis that almost paralyzed the PA. The situation was aggravated by Israel's war in Gaza.
The PA has reached its borrowing limit after borrowing $350 million from private banks to meet its monthly obligations which include paying salaries of more than 150,000 government workers in the West Bank and Hamas-ruled Gaza.
Not all the funds promised for budgetary support at several donor conferences have materialized.
Western diplomats and Palestinian officials say many Arab donors have been not been forthcoming in helping Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas' Authority to avoid taking sides in his fight with Hamas and to apply pressure on the two sides to reconcile.
Hamas doesn't seem to be suffering from cash shortage despite the long siege and international isolation imposed on Gaza. It is the people who suffer, both in the West Bank and Gaza.
I asked Fayyad during the press conference in the West Bank city of Ramallah following Clinton's announcement of aid disbursement how much the Arabs have paid. He said $95 million, ONLY 16 percent of a total of $606 million in foreign aid received by the PA in 2009.
Fayyad said the budget deficit was $1.5 billion.
Abbas has recently said in an interview to al-Falastiniya Television that Arab reluctance to help the PA meet its financial obligations and their so-called "neutrality" by not publicly blaming the side that captured Gaza by force was not helping reconciliation efforts.
Reconciliation efforts are moving in a vicious circle. The infighting however, is not confined to Hamas and Fatah.
As Fatah prepares to hold its conference on August 4 to elect a new leadership, Fatah candidates for leadership positions are engaged in fierce rivalries.
Fatah has run the affairs of the Palestinians for decades but its humiliating defeat by Hamas in the 2006 elections and Abbas' formation of a government led by Fayyad, a technocrat, has alarmed many Fatah officials. Despite their divisions, many seem to be united in their quest to return to power.
With Gaza under Hamas rule, they want to return to power in the West Bank and lead the government there. After the Fatah conference, Fayyad or any other prime minister will have to implement Fatah's program, I've heard several say.
Great. But have the rest of the Palestinians, those not affiliated with Hamas or Fatah, seen a real reform process taking place within Fatah? Have those who voted for Hamas, not out of ideology but to punish Fatah for alleged corruption and mismanagement, sensed that Fatah has learned from its mistakes that led to the Hamas takeover of Gaza?
The Palestinians and the entire world will be waiting to see whether the new Fatah leadership will return to its people and bridge those gaps that led to its loss.
Fayyad has earned the respect of the international community for putting in place systems of transparency. The aim, he says, is to build the infrastructure of statehood. So far, his efforts seem to be backed by the Western world but undermined by Hamas, Fatah, and the Arabs.
Monday, July 20, 2009
Peaceful Activism
Every Friday, since 2005, Palestinians from the village of B'ilin together with international and Israeli activists tirelessly have held non-violent demonstrations against the confiscation of almost half of the village lands for the Wall and settlement expansion.
These demonstrations usually turn out violent when Israeli soldiers confront the protesters. Night raids and arrests follow. Activisits built a symbolic grave on the spot where Bassem Abu Rahmah, 30, was shot and killed by an Israeli bullet in B'ilin on April 19, this year.
Luisa Morgantini, an activist and a leading member of the European Parliament has taken part in many of B'ilin's peaceful protests. She wrote in the Italian paper Liberazione on July 19 that the Israeli reaction to peaceful demonstrations was not primarily aimed at physically neutralizing the activists, "but also to spread terror amongst the inhabitants of the village of Bil’in, 1,800 residents, in order to stop all kind of activity of non violent resistance, that become an example also for other realities of the occupied West Bank such as Nil'in and Ma'asara, whose land continue to be confiscated by the wall."
Bi'ilin, like N'ilin before it, has become a symbol of peaceful resistance. Palestinians have emerged exhausted from a seven-year-old Intifada where arms were used in an unequal balance of power with the Israeli army. Some, like the people of several villages, have reverted to peaceful demonstrations to confront what they see as injustice and safeguard what is left of their land.
Some of my Israeli friends called me last week to express joy at seeing Nablus --which only a few months ago was a hotbed for violence and a stronghold for armed militants -- regain normalcy and people were celebrating the improvement of their economy following the easing of travel restrictions through the two checkpoints that impede travel.
If the aim is to stop all form of non-violent resistance, one should not forget that Hamas was created as a military wing of the Muslim Brotherhood before the first Intifada of 1987 when Fatah and other PLO factions were engaged in armed resistance while the Islamists were passive, working in charities and preaching. Young Muslim activists then pressured the Muslim Brotherhood to join the fight.
How long will the Palestinian non-violence proponents adhere to their peaceful activism if the Wall keeps snaking deeply into their lands and if settlements and checkpoints carve up the West Bank into separate enclaves?
Will the two sides, Israelis and Palestinians continue to be locked in battles in which neither side emerges the winner?
These demonstrations usually turn out violent when Israeli soldiers confront the protesters. Night raids and arrests follow. Activisits built a symbolic grave on the spot where Bassem Abu Rahmah, 30, was shot and killed by an Israeli bullet in B'ilin on April 19, this year.
Luisa Morgantini, an activist and a leading member of the European Parliament has taken part in many of B'ilin's peaceful protests. She wrote in the Italian paper Liberazione on July 19 that the Israeli reaction to peaceful demonstrations was not primarily aimed at physically neutralizing the activists, "but also to spread terror amongst the inhabitants of the village of Bil’in, 1,800 residents, in order to stop all kind of activity of non violent resistance, that become an example also for other realities of the occupied West Bank such as Nil'in and Ma'asara, whose land continue to be confiscated by the wall."
Bi'ilin, like N'ilin before it, has become a symbol of peaceful resistance. Palestinians have emerged exhausted from a seven-year-old Intifada where arms were used in an unequal balance of power with the Israeli army. Some, like the people of several villages, have reverted to peaceful demonstrations to confront what they see as injustice and safeguard what is left of their land.
Some of my Israeli friends called me last week to express joy at seeing Nablus --which only a few months ago was a hotbed for violence and a stronghold for armed militants -- regain normalcy and people were celebrating the improvement of their economy following the easing of travel restrictions through the two checkpoints that impede travel.
If the aim is to stop all form of non-violent resistance, one should not forget that Hamas was created as a military wing of the Muslim Brotherhood before the first Intifada of 1987 when Fatah and other PLO factions were engaged in armed resistance while the Islamists were passive, working in charities and preaching. Young Muslim activists then pressured the Muslim Brotherhood to join the fight.
How long will the Palestinian non-violence proponents adhere to their peaceful activism if the Wall keeps snaking deeply into their lands and if settlements and checkpoints carve up the West Bank into separate enclaves?
Will the two sides, Israelis and Palestinians continue to be locked in battles in which neither side emerges the winner?
Friday, July 17, 2009
The Palestinians are still waiting to see Obama's peace plan
Six months after U.S. President Barack Obama took office, the Palestinains are still waiting for his long-promised peace plan.
In fact, the enthusiasm in Palestinian circles that accompanied his election and the hope created by comments made by officials in his adminsitration reflecting a determination to see "all" Jewish settlement activity stopped, is gradually giving way to some doubt that the U.S. President may be trying to reach an arrangement with Israel to help revive deadlocked peace talks.
"Where is this plan we have been promised? We hear of a crisis between Israel and the United States over settlements, but we're worried Obama may cave in to pressure and allow for some settlement growth here and there, or understand Israel's jusitification for keeping settlement blocs," a senior Palestinian politician said.
Haaretz' diplomatic editor Aluf Benn wrote an article on Friday titled: "Don't worry Netanyahu, Obama peace plan is still far off". http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1100767.html
"All the reports emanating from Washington indicate that Obama will not issue a detailed peace plan any time soon. Netanyahu's fear - that Washington will demand that he withdraw from all the territories and divide Jerusalem - will not become reality in the near future," Aluf Benn wrote.
But senior Western diplomats told me this week that the Palestinians will not have to wait too long for Obama to act.
One diplomat said the United States was working on creating a positive environment for reviving peace talks that have been suspended since the Israeli elections took place and brought a right-wing government led by Benjamin Netanyahu who accepted the two-state solution only with Obama breathing down his neck.
The Americans want to get what they call "deposits" from Israel, the Arabs, and the Palestinians, steps that will bring the sides closer to implement commitmnets under the 2003"road map" for peace, and additional normalization steps by Arabs to convince the hard-line Israeli government to join.
"Israel has offered something on a settlement freeze but Washington is pushing for a commitment closer to Israel's road map commitments, mainly a complete settlement freeze," the Western diplomat said.
Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert is not happy with Obama's focus on the settlements issue.
"Instead of a political process, the issue of settlement construction commands the agenda between the United States and Israel. This is a mistake that serves neither the process with the Palestinians nor relations between Israel and the Arab world. Moreover, it has the potential to greatly shake U.S.-Israeli relations," Olmert said in an article published in todays Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/07/16/AR2009071603584.html
Many Arab states are willing to take some normalization steps towards Israel such as opening their closed offices in Israel and allowing Israel to open commercial offices on their soil, give permission to Israeli planes to use their airspace, etc but not Saudi Arabia, Arab and Western diplomats said. The U.S. administration is still pressing Saudi Arabia to show flexibility or at least to give the nod to the Arabs to go ahead.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is expected to stop incitement against Israel by the Palestinians, pursue security measures, and retract his precondition not to sit down with Netanyahu until the latter freezes all settlement activity.
The Palestinians hope Washington will succeed in its endeavors with Israel otherwise Abbas's already weak standing among his own people will become worse. He will have to come up with a very good excuse to explain why he would sit with Netanyahu whose Bar-Ilan university speech reminded people of Golda Meir's era when she said the Palestinian people did not exist.
"There's going to be a package. (Obama's envoy George) Mitchell will wrap things up fairly soon and we'll say: Let's go ahead, the talks will start," a senior diplomat said.
American officials say Obama may start talks in one of two months from now and his timeline for ending those negotiations is 18 months, with or without deposits from Israel, the Arabs, or the Palestinians.
In fact, the enthusiasm in Palestinian circles that accompanied his election and the hope created by comments made by officials in his adminsitration reflecting a determination to see "all" Jewish settlement activity stopped, is gradually giving way to some doubt that the U.S. President may be trying to reach an arrangement with Israel to help revive deadlocked peace talks.
"Where is this plan we have been promised? We hear of a crisis between Israel and the United States over settlements, but we're worried Obama may cave in to pressure and allow for some settlement growth here and there, or understand Israel's jusitification for keeping settlement blocs," a senior Palestinian politician said.
Haaretz' diplomatic editor Aluf Benn wrote an article on Friday titled: "Don't worry Netanyahu, Obama peace plan is still far off". http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1100767.html
"All the reports emanating from Washington indicate that Obama will not issue a detailed peace plan any time soon. Netanyahu's fear - that Washington will demand that he withdraw from all the territories and divide Jerusalem - will not become reality in the near future," Aluf Benn wrote.
But senior Western diplomats told me this week that the Palestinians will not have to wait too long for Obama to act.
One diplomat said the United States was working on creating a positive environment for reviving peace talks that have been suspended since the Israeli elections took place and brought a right-wing government led by Benjamin Netanyahu who accepted the two-state solution only with Obama breathing down his neck.
The Americans want to get what they call "deposits" from Israel, the Arabs, and the Palestinians, steps that will bring the sides closer to implement commitmnets under the 2003"road map" for peace, and additional normalization steps by Arabs to convince the hard-line Israeli government to join.
"Israel has offered something on a settlement freeze but Washington is pushing for a commitment closer to Israel's road map commitments, mainly a complete settlement freeze," the Western diplomat said.
Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert is not happy with Obama's focus on the settlements issue.
"Instead of a political process, the issue of settlement construction commands the agenda between the United States and Israel. This is a mistake that serves neither the process with the Palestinians nor relations between Israel and the Arab world. Moreover, it has the potential to greatly shake U.S.-Israeli relations," Olmert said in an article published in todays Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/07/16/AR2009071603584.html
Many Arab states are willing to take some normalization steps towards Israel such as opening their closed offices in Israel and allowing Israel to open commercial offices on their soil, give permission to Israeli planes to use their airspace, etc but not Saudi Arabia, Arab and Western diplomats said. The U.S. administration is still pressing Saudi Arabia to show flexibility or at least to give the nod to the Arabs to go ahead.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is expected to stop incitement against Israel by the Palestinians, pursue security measures, and retract his precondition not to sit down with Netanyahu until the latter freezes all settlement activity.
The Palestinians hope Washington will succeed in its endeavors with Israel otherwise Abbas's already weak standing among his own people will become worse. He will have to come up with a very good excuse to explain why he would sit with Netanyahu whose Bar-Ilan university speech reminded people of Golda Meir's era when she said the Palestinian people did not exist.
"There's going to be a package. (Obama's envoy George) Mitchell will wrap things up fairly soon and we'll say: Let's go ahead, the talks will start," a senior diplomat said.
American officials say Obama may start talks in one of two months from now and his timeline for ending those negotiations is 18 months, with or without deposits from Israel, the Arabs, or the Palestinians.
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